Global Development: Views from the Center

 

Posts in: Fragile States

 

A Review of the U.S. Government’s Review of Its Haiti Quake Response

May 1, 2012

Posted by in Evaluation, Fragile States, Latin America Tags: ,

Vijaya Ramachandran

This post is joint with Julie Walz.

Last week, USAID finally published an external review on its activities in Haiti: “Independent Review of the U.S. Government Response to the Haiti Earthquake”.  The report is dated March 28, 2011. Yes, 2011. It took over a year to post the document on the USAID website.  The review was conducted by MacFadden and Associates – which operates an $80M Indefinite Quantity Contract from USAID.  There are some frank and enlightening assessments of USG response and coordination, but very little discussion of aid accountability.
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Haiti: Where Has All the Money Gone?

April 26, 2012

Posted by in Aid Effectiveness, Evaluation, Fragile States Tags: , , ,

Vijaya Ramachandran

This is a joint post with Julie Walz.

The Assessing Progress in Haiti Act (H.R. 1016) was approved by a voice vote in the Senate this week, almost a year after it was passed by the House. The Act “directs the President to report to Congress on the status of post-earthquake humanitarian, reconstruction, and development efforts in Haiti” including progress of programs, alignment with the Haitian government priorities, and coordination among U.S. agencies and other donors.
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A Challenge for Jim Yong Kim, New President of the World Bank—What to Do in Fragile States?

April 16, 2012

Posted by in Fragile States, International Financial Institutions, World Bank Tags: , ,

Vijaya Ramachandran

This post is joint with Ross Thuotte

Today, the World Bank announced that Jim Yong Kim will be the institution’s next president.  As the dust settles from the leadership selection debate, the focus will necessarily shift to the issues that confront Kim and the world’s leading development institution. One of the most difficult and important questions is: how can the bank more effectively engage in fragile and conflict-affected countries?
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Fresh Ideas for New U.S. Ambassador to Haiti

March 27, 2012

Posted by in Fragile States, Latin America Tags: ,

Christopher Molitoris

Update: On March 29, the U.S. Senate confirmed Pamela White to be Ambassador of the United States of America to the Republic of Haiti.

Assuming she is confirmed by the Senate, Pamela White is set to become the next U.S. ambassador to Haiti. In her March 14 confirmation hearing, White and the senators agreed on one message: Haiti’s unstable government is impeding post-earthquake recovery, including U.S. aid efforts. But White could consider alternative approaches—from migration policy to mobile money—that might do more to help Haitians right now.
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Mali’s Coup, What’s Next, and Why I’ve been Accused of Resembling Sharon Stone

March 23, 2012

Posted by in Africa, Fragile States, Governance/Democracy Tags: ,

Todd Moss

The news of the coup in Mali yesterday is a shock to those of us who have worked on this beautiful and amazing country. It is a tragedy for Malians, who have worked so hard to build what had been, until a few days ago, a shining model of democracy and economic progress.  It is a sad day for the rest of the world, too, as I explain in this UN Dispatch podcast.
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Prevention of Odious Obligations: A New Tool to Help Stem the Violence in Syria

March 9, 2012

Posted by in Fragile States, Trade Tags: , ,

Kimberly Ann Elliott

Last week President Obama responded to the rising carnage in Syria by saying that he is looking for “every tool available to prevent the slaughter of innocents in Syria,” government-instigated violence that has already claimed thousands of lives. What new tools are available? The economic sanctions imposed are having an impact, but they are weakened by the willingness of the Russians, Chinese and others to continue doing business with the Assad regime. There is rising talk of military action, with former U.S. presidential candidate John McCain calling for airstrikes. But the risks are huge, there is no certainty of success, and there is little appetite in the United States or elsewhere for such action.

It’s time to try something new: preemptive contract sanctions. This idea is so new and compelling that we at CGD have tried something new to explain it: a white board video, in which I lay out the basics in just a little over four minutes. Please watch it!
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Is CGD’s Pakistan Initiative Off the Mark?

January 18, 2012

Posted by in Aid Effectiveness, Fragile States, Global Development Tags:

Milan Vaishnav

This is a joint post with and Danny Cutherell.

Over on the Global Dashboard blog, Seth Kaplan has posted a critique of CGD’s Pakistan initiative.  In a post titled, “What’s Wrong With CGD’s Pakistan Initiative” Kaplan knocks the CGD Pakistan initiative for saying “almost nothing specific about Pakistan”; “ignoring the “drivers of its political economy”; and relying on “one-size-fits-all solutions.”  As members of CGD’s Pakistan initiative, we welcome Seth’s critique of our work (indeed, we were happy to feature another one of our critics in a previous blog) and take this as an opportunity to clear up any misunderstanding about our approach and findings.
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What’s Wrong with Dodd-Frank’s Conflict Minerals Provision?

January 5, 2012

Posted by in Africa, Fragile States Tags: ,

Todd Moss

Hidden within the 2,300+ page Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (large PDF) are two sections aimed squarely at Africa. Section 1504 requires companies listed on US stock markets to disclose payments to foreign governments. This has been widely hailed, including by CGD, as an important step for encouraging transparency and a sensible complement to efforts like EITI.

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The Sudan Sanctions Tangle after Southern Independence

October 4, 2011

Posted by in Fragile States, Global Development Tags: ,

Kimberly Ann Elliott

After decades of violent conflict, South Sudan is the world’s newest nation.  Some of the credit for that outcome goes to pressure from the United States, including economic sanctions. How to approach the sanctions now is a tricky question.

The new nation of South Sudan is one of the world’s poorest and most fragile states. Continued or revived conflicts along the new border and in Darfur  threaten people in those regions and could destabilize the new state in the south. U.S. policy faces a balancing act—trying to ensure that sanctions do not interfere with support for development in the new nation, while also using them to prod the regime in Khartoum to respect human rights, move towards democracy, and peacefully resolve the conflicts in Darfur and along the new border.

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With All Due Respect Mr. President: On “Nation-Building” by Another Name

August 3, 2011

Posted by in Fragile States, Global Development Tags:

Nancy Birdsall

In his piece in the NYTimes earlier this week, David Sanger refers to the president: Mr. Obama has made clear that he has no enthusiasm for “nation building” projects in Afghanistan that go on for years or are unsustainable. They may be well intentioned, he has told aides, but they are too expensive.

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Blurring the Line between Defense and Development

March 3, 2010

Posted by in Fragile States, Global Development Tags:

This is a joint post with Julia Barmeier.

In a little-noticed move in January, private military contractor DynCorp bought 100% of the shares of international development contractor Casals & Associates (the value of this acquisition was not disclosed).   DynCorp says it plans to integrate Casals & Associates into its International Global Stabilization and Development Solutions division.  In 2007, CGD research highlighted the Pentagon’s ever-expanding role in the development space.  In the administration’s 2010-2011 budget proposal, 20% of the 2011 Department of State and Agency for International Development (USAID) budget is slated for “securing frontline states” (Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan). The DynCorp-Casals merger suggests a blurring of the line between development and defense in the private sector, as well.

Should we be worried? Read More…

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One More (Insurmountable?) Challenge for Haitian Reconstruction

January 28, 2010

Posted by in Fragile States, Human Rights, Latin America, Migration, News, Poverty Tags: , ,

As the international response to Haiti’s earthquake shifts from emergency rescue to longer term reconstruction, things are inevitably going to get harder. There are some very good ideas floating out there, not least Michael Clemens’ golden door visa proposal and Jeff Sachs’ urging for a recovery trust fund (It’s too bad he couldn’t resist swathing the idea in jabs at the donors and the United States). But as the donor community starts making that shift and planning projects, Joshua Nadel, a professor of Caribbean history, has this very good reminder: Read More…

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The Newest Security Contractors in Iraq: Ex-combatants from Sierra Leone

January 15, 2010

Posted by in Africa, Child Soldiers, Fragile States, Global Development Tags: ,

This is a joint posting with Julia Barmeier.

A British private security firm, Sabre International, is sponsoring the employment of Sierra Leoneans for security jobs in Iraq. According to its own website, the company holds multiple aviation security contracts for three airports in Iraq (Baghdad International Airport, Mosul Airport, and Najaf International Airport).

Having undergone two weeks of preparation training, 400 to 1,000 Sierra Leoneans have already been sent to Iraq (and possibly Afghanistan) with a waiting list of over 10,000 who are interested in participating in the program. According to reports, the West African workers will receive $250 a month, $200 of which will be directly deposited into a bank account in Freetown. Compare this to the per capita Gross National Income in Sierra Leone in 2008, which was $320 a year. (Meanwhile, Sierra Leone Members of Parliament are petitioning for monthly salaries of $4,000-$6,000!) It’s no wonder thousands of people have signed up for this program: they are receiving a little less than 10x the amount they would earn in their own country! (Sierra Leone currently ranks 201 out of 210 countries in terms of its GNI per capita). Their salaries will not be taxed and they will be given free accommodation, free medical facility, free transportation, and free insurance. While a fabulous salary in Sierra Leone, their U.S. citizen contractor counterparts are averaging $100,000 a year, possibly in similar roles. In this regard, Sabre might be saving a tidy sum.

Post-conflict recovery researchers like Paul Collier and former CGD post-doc Chris Blattman emphasize the need to engage ex-combatants in productive activity, in other words, create an economic incentive to cease violence or prevent a relapse into conflict. This program is fulfilling this purpose. For example, news reports say the agreement welcomed by Youth for Middle East Overseas Group, which has apparently pressured the government of Sierra Leone to allow youths to seek work in Iraq. Said Secretary-General Akim Bangura, “Finally, we are breathing a sigh of relief over the positive outcome. We have fought a successful battle and I have been arrested a couple of times for leading campaigns for jobless youths to find jobs in Iraq. I am happy it all ended this way.”

On the other hand, the program perpetuates the environment of violence that surrounded these youth in Sierra Leone. While the country officially ended its decade-long civil war in 2001, it is still ranked among the most fragile countries. Of blood diamond and child soldier fame, the conflict in Sierra Leone was severely brutal and bloody, where rebel activity was characterized by hacking off the hands and feet of victims. It is unclear what kind of effect employment in a similar-but-different conflict region will have on these program participants.

Are agreements like these providing legitimate employment alternatives for ex-combatants? Or are they perpetuating reliance on conflict-related activity? Also, with unemployment rates at 18% to 30% in Iraq itself, why doesn’t Sabre seek local workers to fill these spots?

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Could Ex Ante Loan Sanctions against the De Facto Honduran Regime Prevent Illegitimate Debt?

October 9, 2009

Posted by in Aid Effectiveness, Fragile States, U.S. Foreign Aid Reform Tags: , ,

This is a joint posting with Cindy Prieto.

Hondurans protest against the military coupSince the coup ousting Honduran president Manuel Zelaya last June, the international community has responded with strong words and a mix of mostly mild actions. The Organization of American States (OAS) unanimously voted to suspend Honduras when the de facto regime ignored its demand for the immediate reinstatement of Zelaya, and the UN General Assembly has also adopted a resolution denouncing the coup. The United States and European Union have halted some forms of non-humanitarian aid. But despite some calls for action , the United States and other major trade partners have yet to adopt trade sanctions or to freeze the coup leaders’ assets. Read More…

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Pentagon Chief Robert Gates Calls for More Resources, New Approach to Development

January 18, 2008

Posted by in Aid Effectiveness, Foreign Aid Reform, Fragile States, Global Health, Security and Development, U.S. Foreign Aid Reform, Weak and Fragile States Tags: ,

*This is a joint post with Steve Radelet
Defense Secretary Robert Gates -- Getty ImagesYesterday in an interview with NPR, Defense Secretary Robert Gates made a strong and smart argument for supporting American troops. No surprises there, right? Except for the fact that he is defending the build-up of civilian troops — our diplomatic and development corps — to be America’s front line of defense in fighting global poverty and insecurity. Much as he did in his brilliant speech at Kansas State University in November, Gates encourages the United States to devote more resources and create new institutions for nonmilitary means of influence abroad: diplomacy, strategic communications, foreign assistance, civic action, and economic reconstruction and development. His message:

If we are to meet the myriad challenges around the world in the coming decades, this country must strengthen other important elements of national power both institutionally and financially, and create the capability to integrate and apply all of the elements of national power to problems and challenges abroad.

And, how specifically do we elevate global development policy in the national interest? Says Gates:

What is clear to me is that there is a need for a dramatic increase in spending on the civilian instruments of national security — diplomacy, strategic communications, foreign assistance, civic action, and economic reconstruction and development….The way to institutionalize these capabilities is probably not to recreate or repopulate institutions of the past such as AID or USIA. On the other hand, just adding more people to existing government departments such as Agriculture, Treasury, Commerce, Justice and so on is not a sufficient answer either — even if they were to be more deployable overseas. New institutions are needed for the 21st century, new organizations with a 21st century mind-set.

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AFRICOM: Can The Military Make Foreign Aid More Effective And Win Hearts And Minds?

November 8, 2007

Posted by in Africa, Foreign Aid Reform, Fragile States, Regions, Security and Development, Weak and Fragile States Tags: , ,

Robert Kaplan of The Coming Anarchy fame (how scarcity, crime, overpopulation, tribalism, and disease are rapidly destroying the social fabric of the planet, especially Africa) has a new short piece in The Atlantic on the US military’s development of a central Africa Command, or AFRICOM.
Kaplan, like AFRICOM’s sponsors, sees it as a basis for launching anti-terrorism operations, for promoting of good governance abroad, and (most significantly) for civilian-military cooperation in foreign aid. Such civil-military coordination in aid, it is argued, brings at least two key benefits: coordination of foreign policy goals and investments, and military expertise in logistics and security.

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Phase Zero: The Pentagon’s latest big idea

July 20, 2007

Posted by in Africa, Aid Effectiveness, Fragile States, Global Health, Regions, Security and Development, U.S. Foreign Aid Reform, Weak and Fragile States Tags: ,

A new term has entered the national security lexicon, courtesy of the Pentagon. It’s “Phase Zero.” And it has some potentially troubling implications for U.S. foreign and development policy, particularly in Africa. Unfortunately, the concept isn’t getting the attention that it deserves.
US Africa Command Pentagon MapThe Defense Department (DoD) spends countless hours drafting plans for potential wars. Each plan outlines specific missions and military requirements for discrete phases of war, from the run-up to hostilities (Phase 1), to the onset of military action (Phase 2), to major combat (Phase 3), to “post-conflict” stabilization (Phase 4), and then to the shift to civilian control (Phase 5).
More recently, the Pentagon got the idea that greater military attention to pre-conflict situations-preventive action-could pay huge dividends, by making it unnecessary to use U.S. troops around the world.
That’s where Phase Zero comes in. It implies that America’s far-flung Regional Combatant Commands have a new military mission-eliminating the roots of instability and terrorism in the world’s most dysfunctional countries.

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Is Liberia Africa’s New Diamond Success Story?

April 30, 2007

Posted by in Advocacy, Fragile States, Liberia, Migration and Labor Mobility, Security and Development, Weak and Fragile States Tags: ,

 Is Liberia Africa's New Diamond Success Story?The UN Security Council has lifted its ban on diamond exports in Liberia, on the grounds that the post-conflict country has made significant progress in establishing necessary internal controls to comply with the Kimberley Process–a mechanism intended to keep blood diamonds off world markets and to ensure that all diamonds exported are certified. This is the second vote of confidence for President Johnson Sirleaf, following an ease on a timber ban last year. It shows that the international community has faith that the country can turn its back on the brutal past, where diamonds were used to finance weapons and fund fighting in a horrific 14 year civil war.
This is potentially great news for Liberia. In particular, diamond revenues could be used to fund much-needed post-conflict reconstruction programs and create jobs in a country with an unemployment rate hovering around 85%. However, as my colleague Todd Moss and I have noted, the Kimberley Process can only do so much. And the transition from blood diamonds to “development diamonds” is much harder in a place like Liberia which has a high concentration of alluvial diamonds. Unlike Kimberlite diamonds (which require intensive, centralized operations), alluvial diamonds lend themselves to artisanal, decentralized mining, which leaves the Liberian diamond industry relatively open to smuggling and grey market transactions. This could threaten to rob Liberia of much needed revenues and undermine fragile state institutions.
While the Security Council’s stamp of approval is a sign of how far Liberia has come in a few short years, Liberia’s transition is ongoing, and it is too soon to pronounce it a success. The international community must remain constructively engaged in the war-ravaged country, and continue to keep a close eye on Liberian diamonds, in order to ensure that Liberia’s recent sunshine doesn’t turn out to be a false dawn.

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Three Cheers for John Edwards: First Global Poverty Proposal of the ’08 Presidential Campaigns. Who’s Next?

March 16, 2007

Posted by in Advocacy, Aid Effectiveness, Foreign Aid Reform, Fragile States, Global Health, Migration and Labor Mobility, Millennium Development Goals, U.S. Foreign Aid Reform, Weak and Fragile States Tags: ,

John Edwards released the first global poverty proposal of the ’08 presidential campaigns yesterday. In “Restoring America’s Moral Leadership by Fighting Worldwide Poverty“, Edwards’ campaign says:

John Edwards believes that the United States must be a global leader in the fight against poverty. Solving global poverty is a moral imperative, but it is also a security issue. Global poverty increases the risk to America by providing a safe harbor for instability, extremism, and terrorism. Edwards’ strategy against global poverty will require every weapon in our national security arsenal. For the last six years, too many burdens have been placed on the Department of Defense–not because it has asked for this mission or is the best suited to handle these challenges, but because it has been the most capable and well-funded national security institution.
As president, John Edwards will fundamentally transform America’s approach to the world. He will bring high-level attention to help people in three priority areas: primary education, preventive health, and greater economic and political opportunity.

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Beyond a Reasonable Doubt: Climate Change and Criminal Liability

March 12, 2007

Posted by in Africa, Climate Change, Environment, Fragile States, Global Warming, Migration and Labor Mobility, Regions, Security and Development, Weak and Fragile States Tags:

In U.S. jurisprudence, the standard for conviction in a criminal proceeding is “beyond a reasonable doubt” — at least 90% certain, in the conventional understanding. The prevailing standard in civil proceedings is the “preponderance of evidence” — more likely true than not — which implies greater than 50% likelihood. Applying these standards to successive reports by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) yields a chilling conclusion: since 1990, the likelihood of carbon emitters’ culpability for damage from climate change has escalated from the range of civil liability (above 50%) to the range of criminal liability (above 90%). What could this mean in practice? To grasp the potential stakes, we need look no further than this month’s Atlantic Monthly. In The Real Roots of Darfur, Stephan Faris traces genocide in western Sudan to climate change:

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